Saturday, June 21, 2008

Beaches and Politics in Venezuela

On July 5th, 2008, Venezuela celebrated the 197th anniversary of its Declaration of Independence from Spain. Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez celebrated the event in the capital, Caracas, alongside Bolivian president, Evo Morales. The armed forces, in full regalia, paraded through the streets of Latin America's most violent city1 in a demonstration of both Venezuela's pride and its military capacity.

Following the parade, Chavez remarked, "No one can stop the revolution, not the US Naval fourth fleet, exactly the opposite, it makes us more resolved." 2 Chavez was referring directly to movements in the Caribbean by the US Naval fourth fleet that has been deployed under the pretext of providing humanitarian aide and fighting drug trafficking.3 Chavez, however, is not buying the official word released by the US government and views the nuclear aircraft carrier stationed in the general proximity of his country as yet another sign that "US Imperialists" are planning an invasion of Venezuela to take control, once and for all, of its oil resources. Chavez continued, "We don t want war, nevertheless, there is an old saying; if you want peace, prepare for war. Those who still wish to bring down this government by force... and who think that an invasion of Venezuela will bring an end to this revolution should not forget that we have arrived, and are here to stay, forever."4





On the same day, only a few hundred miles west of Caracas, on the white sand beaches of Cayo Sombrero, a tiny island in the sparkling turquoise waters just off Venezuela s central coast, upper and middle class Venezuelans took in the sun on yachts and private boats, drinking rum and tropical juice from neon colored plastic cups. As the sounds of reggaeton and salsa blared from the expensive sound systems of the boats, mixed with shouts of drunken twenty-somethings flirting with each other waist deep in the water, Venezuelan independence seemed a footnote, if not forgotten all together. In what has been described to me as a period of polarization in Venezuela, this day was typical of the different worlds that occur here simultaneously.

After the initial declaration of independence, Venezuelans continued fighting for another ten years before decisively defeating the Spanish. Under the military and political command of Simon Bolivar, what is now Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Panama and Colombia all gained independence in the early 1800s. Influenced by Montesquieu, as well as the French and American revolutions, Bolivar wished to create a giant country, a federation of the liberated Spanish colonies that would make up the northern third of South America. Gran Columbia, as this nation is now referred to, stretched from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Bolivar´s dream, however, was only realized for a brief period before it fractured into several smaller states, all of which survive today. For the next 130 years or so Venezuela was ruled by a series of military figures who ruled by force. Developments in the 1910s would forever change Venezuela´s history and inform much of what is currently happening here; oil began to be exploited.

Over the next 60 years Venezuela would see rapid development of its oil industry as well as new wealth that had never before been dreamed of. Foreign companies were almost exclusively in charge of oil exploration, extraction and refinement. As oil profits skyrocketed an elite class was formed. The vast majority of Venezuelans, however, remained in poverty and the economy of Venezuela did little to diversify itself, focusing instead solely on exporting oil and importing everything else. Since the economy depended so heavily on the price of oil, Venezuela helped to create OPEC in the late 1950s in order to regulate oil production world wide and keep prices high.

By 1958 Venezuela had thrown off the yoke of military rulers and had become a functioning democracy. Despite some minor failed coup attempts along the way, there has been a peaceful transfer of power here ever since. In 1976 the president nationalized the oil industry and PetrĂ³leos de Venezuela S.A. or PDVSA was formed.

The high oil prices of the 1970s led to more opulence for the upper class, followed by a depression that coincided with the bottoming out of oil prices in the 1980s and 90s. During the early 1990s, much of Latin America embarked on an economic experiment known as the Washington Consensus, or Neo-Liberal reforms. These reforms shifted the direction of economic policy away from a state centered approach in favor of more market based solutions. The most noted reforms were the privatization of state controlled industries, deregulation of business, liberalization of foreign trade and investment policies, and disciplined fiscal policy in order to control inflation. The economic effects of these policies have been much debated, but the political effects are clear. Beginning in the late 1990s and continuing today, Latin American governments have shifted markedly to the left, partially as a reaction to the perceived failure of US intervention.

In 1998 Hugo Chavez was elected to the presidency of Venezuela, ushering in the current era with a policy that he has dubbed "Bolivarian Socialism". Chavez has focused primarily on using Venezuela´s oil profits to create social aid programs that provide basic services such as education and medical care to Venezuela s still giant population of people living in poverty. At the same time he has been building up Venezuela´s geo-political power in the region through rapid expansion of the military and by providing oil at subsidized rates to countries such as Cuba and Bolivia. More recently he has worked with other leaders in the region to launch the Banco del Sur (Bank of the South) in order to provide an alternative institution to the World Bank for development projects.

I chose to come to Venezuela last year while teaching a high school class on economics. Venezuela has been at the forefront, especially recently, of a movement against the standard forms of development that have traditionally been undertaken by the World Bank and the IMF. Chavez himself has sought to create alternate institutions and has named his form of Socialism after Bolivar in order to distinguish it from the not-so-stellar historical examples of socialism once found in Russia and Cuba. Fortunately, I applied for and recieved a grant from Fund for Teachers, that has allowed my idea to become a reality.

Attempting to give myself as much of a context as possible for understanding my experience here, I did readings from media as well as academic sources prior to my arrival. Throughout my travels so far I have talked to as many Venezuelans from as many backgrounds as possible in order to hear a variety of points of view and begin to understand what people here think about the state of their country and of course of Chavez and his policies.

Much like his North American counterpart George W. Bush, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is a polarizing figure. As a champion of the poor, and the creator of Bolivarian Socialism, one would think that Chavez has alienated middle and upper class Venezuelans in favor of the masses of people living below the poverty line. Party lines are not as clear as one would assume at first glance, however, with Chavistas occupying various classes. Somewhat unlike Bush, however, Chavez is more than a president, he is also a celebrity, an entertainer, and the leader of a new political movement. When I asked an older, apparently upper middle class man who works financing both private and public development projects what he thought of Chavez, he responded, "El es loco, pero el dice la verdad al Norte" (He s crazy but he speaks the truth to the North). I have found Chavistas among bright well spoken college students, as well as those who are economically marginalized. As one Columbian refugee who was selling coconuts on the beach stated, "In all my life, he is the only person in government I have ever seen who did anything for the poor".

Criticisms of Chavez run from the dogma of the opposition to well thought out and valid critiques of some of his more heavy handed measures. Every single cab driver I have met so far is staunchly opposed to Chavez. A common criticism from them is that he spends all of his time on trips to other countries, attempting to help those abroad while people in Venezuela starve. Others have pointed to controversial measures, such as setting a price cap on milk leading to a nationwide shortage, as proof that Chavez is meddling too much and not doing the country any good. One retired university professor and artist that I spoke with summed up his feelings about Chavez: " I personally don´t have any problems with Chavez or his government. What I have a problem with is when a government becomes so one-sided and opposed to criticism that they refuse to hear any points of view besides their own, no matter how good they are."

One thing that is mutually agreed upon by nearly all Venezuelans that I have spoken with is the rising concern for personal safety. Robberies, kidnappings and murders have seen a rapid increase in the past ten years and many people have expressed to me their fear of going anywhere at night, or even visiting Caracas. Inflation is also a concern, as a hotel manager reviewed with me the prices of common goods in relationship to the minimum salary here. After crunching some numbers together, I was stuck trying to figure out how working people even afford to eat. While Chavez seems focussed on a restructuring of power relations between the Latin America and the US, if he is unable to address personal safety and food security issues at home it is possible that he will loose his power base and Bolivarian Socialism will be remembered alongside Marxism as a failed experiment of the past.

Despite the problems, I have been amazed nearly every moment I have been down here. From the overwhelming natural beauty of the mountains, forests, rivers and Caribbean coastline, to being invited into the homes of people that I just met, to being able to strike up a conversation with a stranger in a cafe and get his or her candid opinion on a variety of topics. Venezuela has offered me a lot.

In the coming weeks, I hope to discover even more points of view and see a lot more of this fascinating country. Check back soon for more updates.

Leon Sultan
July 7th 2008
Chichiriviche Venezuela




Footnotes:
1- (source: http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=42484)
2- (source: http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/)
3-(Source: http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/3164.cfm)
4-(source:http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/

Photos 2,3 and 6 take by: Marisa Rossman


Other resources:
Venezuelan Newspapers-
http://www.ultimasnoticias.com.ve/
http://www.eluniversal.com/index.shtml
Fund For Teachers Website
http://www.fundforteachers.org/

Thursday, March 27, 2008

Nepal Summer 2007


In the summer of 2007, I returned to Nepal forthe first time since living there five years earlier. Below is an article that I wrote during my first week of the trip.


Nepal at a Crossroads.... again.
As I descended into the green valley surrounded by steep forested hillsides I looked through the tiny airplane window out into another world. At the edge of the valley still sit green terraced hillsides, now being joined but the onslaught of new buildings that have been popping up all over the once agricultural edges of Kathmandu. The sky was over-cast, the air humid and rain seemed to be ready to fall at any moment, as is typical at this time of year, during the monsoon months.

On the cab ride from the airport to my guest house I struggled through a typical first conversation with my cab driver who asked where I was from, how old I was, how many siblings I have, why I wasn't married yet, how much money I make, and when I was going to marry a Nepali woman. The parallel structure of this conversation to hundreds that I've had before helped ease me back into speaking Nepali again.

My first few days here were filled with the euphoric feeling of re-discovering a place that I had once called home, and have a special affinity for. I rode my rental bike through my old stomping grounds, the residential neighborhoods of Gairidhara, Siphal, Bhatbattini, Handigoan, and Baluwatar, rediscovering the hidden alleyways, small temples, and corner shops selling everyting from spices, to bulk grains to vegetables to liquor to stoves and appliances.

Kathmandu is a city of multiple, yet distinct worlds. Jutting out from the Royal Palace, Durbar Marg is a street cluttered with shops selling designer goods, Nike and Reebok stores, four and five star hotels, amid upscale bars and restaurants. Prices are equivalent to what we pay in the states. Here can be found the business men, politicians, and their families who have been running Nepal for a while now. A five minute walk from there, you can buy a full meal for 50 cents and sit with day laborers, drinking locally distilled alcohol (raksi) at the end of 12 back breaking hours of labor carrying bricks, that earned them two or three dollars. At Mike's breakfast another 10 minutes down the road, I sat next to two European men in expensive suits who, as a companion pointed out, had made the front page of the newspaper the previous day.

This extreme disparity of wealth, and concentration of Nepal's resources into the hands of a few sparked a "People's Revolution" here about ten years ago. The revolutionaries lead by a high caste intellectual who took the nom-de-guerre Prachanda, called themselves Maoists, and promised to lead a peasant revolution into the cities as Mao had done in China a half century earlier. After several years of low level war fare and resistance in small pockets throughout Nepal, the country broke out into a full scale civil war during the ending months of 2001-- ironically during the time I was here last. This war increased in intensity over the past several years and had cost thousands of lives on both sides, with innocent villagers caught in the crossfire.

During the war elections were suspended - due to a "lack of securtiy"- and Nepal's King Gyanendra consolidated power. Gyanendra's dictatorship, however, overstepped its boundaries last year as he disolved the interim government and jailed many of the leaders of Nepal's political parties. By this time the people had had enough of their leader's response to the war (sound familiar?). Nepalis responded just as they had ten years earlier when they demanded the king step down and form a democratic government. For over a week, people from all over the valley marched on the Royal Palace. There were clashes with police during these marches, and many died, but the indomitable spirit of the people prevailed, and eventually Gyanendra agreed to give up power, and free the political prisoners. Yet another interim government was formed. On the upside of all of this is that the Maoists agreed to stop the war in exchange for amnesty and a role in forming a new government.

So here we stand. Prachanda has emerged from his underground status and graces the front page of the newspapers daily. Former Prime Minister Koirala has again taken over leadership of the country and yesterday announced that elections are finally to be held on November 22nd. For now, the interim government is to decide how much representation each district will receive and how much proportional representation to give to under-represented groups like members of the lower castes and women.

The general feeling that I get from Nepalis is skepticism. They have yet to reap any benefits from democracy, and many and resigned that no matter who's in charge nothing will change. The maoists are in an excellent position at the moment having lay down their weapons and taken up the cause of making the government more modern and efficient.
One thing that almost all Nepalis seem to agree on is that they want to see their country develop. In the past five years Nepal has seem to have taken a step backwards. Many rural development projects were put on hold due to the war, and Kathmandu is well....

The population here has swelled. Rural fighting has forced many to the city for work and safety. Prosperity among the middle and upper class has lead to a ridiculous amount of motorcycles and taxis cramming the streets. This added to roads that haven't been improved at all, and traffic rules that are mere suggestions to be followed at one's own whimsy have given Kathmandu the crown for world's worst traffic. Coming back into the city from a day trip I was caught at the edge of town in a line of buses headed for a bus stop about a mile away. On this one way road, we moved about 30 feet in about an hour. It was so bad that we got out and walked, beating the bus by about an hour.

Despite all obstacles faced, Nepali people never seem to give up. From the women on the side of the Trisuli highway breaking rocks into gravel, to the porters carrying 60kg sacks of rice to remote villages, to the students who work tirelessly day in and day out, hoping to earn a degree that will bring a better future for themselves and their families. It is this perseverance that I most admire, and possibly the reason why I felt drawn back here. Putting the past aside one can only hope that in the future this quality is used by people working together, instead of against each other as was the case during the war.